THE ICENI of BRITAIN
When Claudius invaded Britain, in 43, the Iceni offered no opposition,
and voluntarily accepted Roman domination. Presumably as a reward, they
were granted the status of a ‘client kingdom’. Though subject to Rome,
the government of a client kingdom was handed to a, pro-Roman, native
ruler. The Romans avoided the expense of garrisoning the territory; the
‘client king’ (or, indeed, queen) kept the peace, and was assured wealth
and Roman backing against rivals. The contract was between Rome and the
individual, so when the king died, the agreement died with him. The
names of three British client rulers are known (there may well have been
others), these are: Queen Cartimandua, of the Brigantes, ruling most of
(what is now) northern England; King Togidubnus, south of the middle
Thames; and King Prasutagus, of the Iceni, in East Anglia. Prasutagus'
wife was called Boudica.
In the year 60, Prasutagus died. Governor
Gaius Suetonius Paullinus was campaigning in, a stronghold of British
resistance to Rome, the island of Mona (Anglesey). Tacitus:
“While he was thus occupied, the sudden revolt of the province was announced to Suetonius.
The Icenian king Prasutagus, celebrated for his long prosperity, had
named the emperor his heir, together with his two daughters; an act of
deference which he thought would place his kingdom and household beyond
the risk of injury. The result was contrary – so much so that his
kingdom was pillaged by centurions, his household by slaves; as though
they had been prizes of war. As a beginning, his wife Boudicca was
subjected to the lash and his daughters violated: all the chief men of
the Icenians were stripped of their family estates, and the relatives of
the king were treated as slaves. Impelled by this outrage and the dread
of worse to come – for they had now been reduced to the status of a
province – they flew to arms, and incited to rebellion the Trinovantes
and others, who, not yet broken by servitude, had entered into a secret
and treasonable compact to resume their independence.”
‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 30–31
Dio Cassius:
“An excuse for the war was found in the confiscation of the sums of
money that Claudius had given to the foremost Britons; for these sums,
as Decianus Catus, the procurator [finance official] of the island,
maintained, were to be paid back. This was one reason for the uprising;
another was found in the fact that Seneca, in the hope of receiving a
good rate of interest, had lent to the islanders 40,000,000 sesterces
that they did not want, and had afterwards called in this loan all at
once and had resorted to severe measures in exacting it. But the person
who was chiefly instrumental in rousing the natives and persuading them
to fight the Romans, the person who was thought worthy to be their
leader and who directed the conduct of the entire war, was Boudouica, a
Briton woman of the royal family and possessed of greater intelligence
than often belongs to women. This woman assembled her army, to the
number of some 120,000, and then ascended a tribunal which had been
constructed of earth in the Roman fashion. In stature she was very tall,
in appearance most terrifying, in the glance of her eye most fierce,
and her voice was harsh; a great mass of the tawniest hair fell to her
hips; around her neck was a large golden necklace; and she wore a tunic
of divers colours over which a thick mantle was fastened with a brooch.
This was her invariable attire.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 2
At this point in his narrative, Dio puts a lengthy rallying speech into Boudica's mouth.
“Having finished an appeal to her people of this general tenor,
Boudouica led her army against the Romans; for these chanced to be
without a leader, inasmuch as Paulinus, their commander, had gone on an
expedition to Mona, an island near Britain.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 7
The first target of Boudica's army was the ‘colonia’ – colony of
legionary veterans (established, probably in 49, by, the then governor,
Publius Ostorius Scapula) – at Camulodunum (Colchester, Essex). Tacitus:
“The bitterest animosity was felt against the veterans; who, fresh from
their settlement in the colonia of Camulodunum, were acting as though
they had received a free gift of the entire country, driving the natives
from their homes, ejecting them from their lands – they styled them
“captives” and “slaves” – and abetted in their fury by the troops, with
their similar mode of life and their hopes of equal indulgence. More
than this, the temple raised to the deified Claudius continually met the
view, like the citadel of an eternal tyranny; while the priests, chosen
for its service, were bound under the pretext of religion to pour out
their fortunes like water. Nor did there seem any great difficulty in
the demolition of a colonia unprotected by fortifications – a point too
little regarded by our commanders, whose thoughts had run more on the
agreeable than on the useful.
Meanwhile, for no apparent reason, the
statue of Victory at Camulodunum fell, with its back turned as if in
retreat from the enemy. Women, converted into maniacs by excitement,
cried that destruction was at hand and that alien cries had been heard
in the invaders' senate-house: the theatre had rung with shrieks, and in
the estuary of the Thames had been seen a vision of the ruined colonia.
Again, that the Ocean had appeared blood-red and that the ebbing tide
had left behind it what looked to be human corpses, were indications
read by the Britons with hope and by the veterans with corresponding
alarm. However, as Suetonius was far away, they applied for help to the
procurator Catus Decianus. He sent not more than two hundred men,
without their proper weapons: in addition, there was a small body of
troops in the town. Relying on the protection of the temple, and
hampered also by covert adherents of the rebellion who interfered with
their plans, they neither secured their position by fosse or rampart nor
took steps, by removing the women and the aged, to leave only
able-bodied men in the place. They were as carelessly guarded as if the
world was at peace, when they were enveloped by a great barbarian host.
All else was pillaged or fired in the first onrush: only the temple, in
which the troops had massed themselves, stood a two days' siege, and was
then carried by storm. Turning to meet Petilius Cerialis, commander of
the Ninth Legion, who was arriving to the rescue, the victorious Britons
routed the legion and slaughtered the infantry to a man: Cerialis with
the cavalry escaped to the camp, and found shelter behind its
fortifications. Unnerved by the disaster and the hatred of the province
which his rapacity had goaded into war, the procurator Catus crossed to
Gaul.
Suetonius, on the other hand, with remarkable firmness,
marched straight through the midst of the enemy upon Londinium [London];
which, though not distinguished by the title of colonia, was none the
less a busy centre, chiefly through its crowd of merchants and stores.
Once there, he felt some doubt whether to choose it as a base of
operations; but, on considering the fewness of his troops and the
sufficiently severe lesson which had been read to the rashness of
Petilius, he determined to save the country as a whole at the cost of
one town. The laments and tears of the inhabitants, as they implored his
protection, found him inflexible: he gave the signal for departure, and
embodied in the column those capable of accompanying the march: all who
had been detained by the disabilities of sex, by the lassitude of age,
or by local attachment, fell into the hands of the enemy. A similar
catastrophe was reserved for the municipium of Verulamium [St.Albans,
Hertfordshire]; as the natives, with their delight in plunder and their
distaste for exertion, left the forts and garrison-posts on one side,
and made for the point which offered the richest material for the
pillager and was unsafe for a defending force. It is established that
close upon seventy thousand Roman citizens and allies fell in the places
mentioned. For the enemy neither took captive nor sold into captivity;
there was none of the other commerce of war; he was hasty with slaughter
and the gibbet, with arson and the cross, as though his day of
reckoning must come, but only after he had snatched his revenge in the
interval.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 31–33
“Those who
were taken captive by the Britons were subjected to every known form of
outrage. The worst and most bestial atrocity committed by their captors
was the following. They hung up naked the noblest and most distinguished
women and then cut off their breasts and sewed them to their mouths, in
order to make the victims appear to be eating them; afterwards they
impaled the women on sharp skewers run lengthwise through the entire
body. All this they did to the accompaniment of sacrifices, banquets,
and wanton behaviour, not only in all their other sacred places, but
particularly in the grove of Andate. This was their name for Victory,
and they regarded her with most exceptional reverence.
...
[Paullinus] was not willing to risk a conflict with the barbarians
immediately, as he feared their numbers and their desperation, but was
inclined to postpone battle to a more convenient season. But as he grew
short of food and the barbarians pressed relentlessly upon him, he was
compelled, contrary to his judgment, to engage them.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapters 7–8
“Suetonius had already the Fourteenth Legion, with a detachment of the
Twentieth and auxiliaries from the nearest stations, altogether some ten
thousand armed men, when he prepared to abandon delay and contest a
pitched battle. He chose a position approached by a narrow defile and
secured in the rear by a wood, first satisfying himself that there was
no trace of an enemy except in his front, and that the plain there was
devoid of cover and allowed no suspicion of an ambuscade. The
legionaries were posted in serried ranks, the light-armed troops on
either side, and the cavalry massed on the extreme wings. The British
forces, on the other hand, disposed in bands of foot and horse were
moving jubilantly in every direction. They were in unprecedented
numbers, and confidence ran so high that they brought even their wives
to witness the victory and installed them in waggons, which they had
stationed just over the extreme fringe of the plain.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapter 34
“Boudouica, at the head of an army of about 230,000 men, rode in a
chariot herself and assigned the others to their several stations.
Paulinus could not extend his line the whole length of hers, for, even
if the men had been drawn up only one deep, they would not have reached
far enough, so inferior were they in numbers; nor, on the other hand,
did he dare join battle in a single compact force, for fear of being
surrounded and cut to pieces. He therefore separated his army into three
divisions, in order to fight at several points at one and the same
time, and he made each of the divisions so strong that it could not
easily be broken through.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 8
“Boudicca, mounted in a chariot with her daughters before her, rode up
to clan after clan and delivered her protest:– “It was customary, she
knew, with Britons to fight under female captaincy; but now she was
avenging, not, as a queen of glorious ancestry, her ravished realm and
power, but, as a woman of the people, her liberty lost, her body
tortured by the lash, the tarnished honour of her daughters. Roman
cupidity had progressed so far that not their very persons, not age
itself, nor maidenhood, were left unpolluted. Yet Heaven was on the side
of their just revenge: one legion, which ventured battle, had perished;
the rest were skulking in their camps, or looking around them for a way
of escape. They would never face even the din and roar of those many
thousands, far less their onslaught and their swords! – If they
considered in their own hearts the forces under arms and the motives of
the war, on that field they must conquer or fall. Such was the settled
purpose of a woman – the men might live and be slaves!”
Even
Suetonius, in this critical moment, broke silence. In spite of his
reliance on the courage of the men, he still blended exhortations and
entreaty:– “They must treat with contempt the noise and empty menaces of
the barbarians: in the ranks opposite, more women than soldiers meet
the eye. Unwarlike and unarmed, they would break immediately, when,
taught by so many defeats, they recognized once more the steel and the
valour of their conquerors. Even in a number of legions, it was but a
few men who decided the fate of battles; and it would be an additional
glory that they, a handful of troops, were gathering the laurels of an
entire army. Only, keeping their order close, and, when their javelins
were discharged, employing shield-boss and sword, let them steadily pile
up the dead and forget the thought of plunder: once the victory was
gained, all would be their own.” Such was the ardour following the
general's words – with such alacrity had his seasoned troops, with the
long experience of battle, prepared themselves in a moment to hurl the
pilum [javelin] – that Suetonius, without a doubt of the issue, gave the
signal to engage.
At first, the legionaries stood motionless,
keeping to the defile as a natural protection: then, when the closer
advance of the enemy had enabled them to exhaust their missiles with
certitude of aim, they dashed forward in a wedge-like formation. The
auxiliaries charged in the same style; and the cavalry, with lances
extended, broke a way through any parties of resolute men whom they
encountered.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 35-37
“... the
armies approached each other, the barbarians with much shouting mingled
with menacing battle-songs, but the Romans silently and in order until
they came within a javelin's throw of the enemy. Then, while their foes
were still advancing against them at a walk, the Romans rushed forward
at a signal and charged them at full speed, and when the clash came,
easily broke through the opposing ranks; but, as they were surrounded by
the great numbers of the enemy, they had to be fighting everywhere at
once. Their struggle took many forms. Light-armed troops exchanged
missiles with light-armed, heavy-armed were opposed to heavy-armed,
cavalry clashed with cavalry, and against the chariots of the barbarians
the Roman archers contended. The barbarians would assail the Romans
with a rush of their chariots, knocking them helter-skelter, but, since
they fought without breastplates, would themselves be repulsed by the
arrows. Horseman would overthrow foot-soldier and foot-soldier strike
down horseman; a group of Romans, forming in close order, would advance
to meet the chariots, and others would be scattered by them; a band of
Britons would come to close quarters with the archers and rout them,
while others were content to dodge their shafts at a distance; and all
this was going on not at one spot only, but in all three divisions at
once. They contended for a long time, both parties being animated by the
same zeal and daring. But finally, late in the day, the Romans
prevailed ...”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 12
“The remainder [of the Britons] took to flight, although escape was
difficult, as the cordon of waggons had blocked the outlets. The troops
gave no quarter even to the women: the baggage animals themselves had
been speared and added to the pile of bodies. The glory won in the
course of the day was remarkable, and equal to that of our older
victories: for, by some accounts, little less than eighty thousand
Britons fell, at a cost of some four hundred Romans killed and a not
much greater number of wounded. Boudicca ended her days by poison; while
Poenius Postumus, camp-prefect of the Second Legion, informed of the
exploits of the men of the Fourteenth and Twentieth, and conscious that
he had cheated his own corps of a share in the honours and had violated
the rules of the service by ignoring the orders of his commander, ran
his sword through his body.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapter 37
“Nevertheless, not a few [Britons] made their escape and were preparing
to fight again. In the meantime, however, Boudouica fell sick and died.
The Britons mourned her deeply and gave her a costly burial; but,
feeling that now at last they were really defeated, they scattered to
their homes. So much for affairs in Britain.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 12
“Had not Paulinus on hearing of the outbreak in the province rendered
prompt succour, Britain would have been lost. By one successful
engagement, he brought it back to its former obedience, though many,
troubled by the conscious guilt of rebellion and by particular dread of
the legate, still clung to their arms.”
Tacitus ‘Agricola’ Chapter 16
“The whole army was now concentrated and kept under canvas, with a view
to finishing what was left of the campaign. Its strength was increased
by Caesar [i.e. Emperor Nero], who sent over from Germany two thousand
legionaries, eight cohorts of auxiliaries, and a thousand cavalry. Their
advent allowed the gaps in the Ninth Legion to be filled with regular
troops; the allied foot and horse were stationed in new winter quarters;
and the tribes which had shown themselves dubious or disaffected were
harried with fire and sword. Nothing, however, pressed so hard as famine
on an enemy who, careless about the sowing of his crops, had diverted
all ages of the population to military purposes, while marking out our
supplies for his own property. In addition, the fierce-tempered clans
inclined the more slowly to peace because Julius Classicianus, who had
been sent in succession to Catus and was not on good terms with
Suetonius, was hampering the public welfare by his private animosities,
and had circulated a report that it would be well to wait for a new
legate [i.e. governor]; who, lacking the bitterness of an enemy and the
arrogance of a conqueror, would show consideration to those who
surrendered. At the same time, he reported to Rome that no cessation of
fighting need be expected until the supersession of Suetonius, the
failures of whom he referred to his own perversity, his successes to the
kindness of fortune.
Accordingly Polyclitus, one of the [imperial]
freedmen, was sent to inspect the state of Britain, Nero cherishing
high hopes that, through his influence, not only might a reconciliation
be effected between the legate and the procurator, but the rebellious
temper of the natives be brought to acquiesce in peace. Polyclitus, in
fact, whose immense train had been an incubus to Italy and Gaul, did not
fail, when once he had crossed the seas, to render his march a terror
even to Roman soldiers. To the enemy, on the other hand, he was a
subject of derision: with them, the fire of freedom was not yet
quenched; they had still to make acquaintance with the power of
freedmen; and they wondered that a general and an army who had accounted
for such a war should obey a troop of slaves. None the less, everything
was reported to the emperor in a more favourable light. Suetonius was
retained at the head of affairs; but, when later on he lost a few ships
on the beach, and the crews with them, he was ordered, under pretence
that the war was still in being, to transfer his army to Petronius
Turpilianus, who by now had laid down his consulate. The new-comer
abstained from provoking the enemy, was not challenged himself, and
conferred on this spiritless inaction the honourable name of peace.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 38–39
When Claudius invaded Britain, in 43, the Iceni offered no opposition, and voluntarily accepted Roman domination. Presumably as a reward, they were granted the status of a ‘client kingdom’. Though subject to Rome, the government of a client kingdom was handed to a, pro-Roman, native ruler. The Romans avoided the expense of garrisoning the territory; the ‘client king’ (or, indeed, queen) kept the peace, and was assured wealth and Roman backing against rivals. The contract was between Rome and the individual, so when the king died, the agreement died with him. The names of three British client rulers are known (there may well have been others), these are: Queen Cartimandua, of the Brigantes, ruling most of (what is now) northern England; King Togidubnus, south of the middle Thames; and King Prasutagus, of the Iceni, in East Anglia. Prasutagus' wife was called Boudica.
In the year 60, Prasutagus died. Governor Gaius Suetonius Paullinus was campaigning in, a stronghold of British resistance to Rome, the island of Mona (Anglesey). Tacitus:
“While he was thus occupied, the sudden revolt of the province was announced to Suetonius.
The Icenian king Prasutagus, celebrated for his long prosperity, had named the emperor his heir, together with his two daughters; an act of deference which he thought would place his kingdom and household beyond the risk of injury. The result was contrary – so much so that his kingdom was pillaged by centurions, his household by slaves; as though they had been prizes of war. As a beginning, his wife Boudicca was subjected to the lash and his daughters violated: all the chief men of the Icenians were stripped of their family estates, and the relatives of the king were treated as slaves. Impelled by this outrage and the dread of worse to come – for they had now been reduced to the status of a province – they flew to arms, and incited to rebellion the Trinovantes and others, who, not yet broken by servitude, had entered into a secret and treasonable compact to resume their independence.”
‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 30–31
Dio Cassius:
“An excuse for the war was found in the confiscation of the sums of money that Claudius had given to the foremost Britons; for these sums, as Decianus Catus, the procurator [finance official] of the island, maintained, were to be paid back. This was one reason for the uprising; another was found in the fact that Seneca, in the hope of receiving a good rate of interest, had lent to the islanders 40,000,000 sesterces that they did not want, and had afterwards called in this loan all at once and had resorted to severe measures in exacting it. But the person who was chiefly instrumental in rousing the natives and persuading them to fight the Romans, the person who was thought worthy to be their leader and who directed the conduct of the entire war, was Boudouica, a Briton woman of the royal family and possessed of greater intelligence than often belongs to women. This woman assembled her army, to the number of some 120,000, and then ascended a tribunal which had been constructed of earth in the Roman fashion. In stature she was very tall, in appearance most terrifying, in the glance of her eye most fierce, and her voice was harsh; a great mass of the tawniest hair fell to her hips; around her neck was a large golden necklace; and she wore a tunic of divers colours over which a thick mantle was fastened with a brooch. This was her invariable attire.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 2
At this point in his narrative, Dio puts a lengthy rallying speech into Boudica's mouth.
“Having finished an appeal to her people of this general tenor, Boudouica led her army against the Romans; for these chanced to be without a leader, inasmuch as Paulinus, their commander, had gone on an expedition to Mona, an island near Britain.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 7
The first target of Boudica's army was the ‘colonia’ – colony of legionary veterans (established, probably in 49, by, the then governor, Publius Ostorius Scapula) – at Camulodunum (Colchester, Essex). Tacitus:
“The bitterest animosity was felt against the veterans; who, fresh from their settlement in the colonia of Camulodunum, were acting as though they had received a free gift of the entire country, driving the natives from their homes, ejecting them from their lands – they styled them “captives” and “slaves” – and abetted in their fury by the troops, with their similar mode of life and their hopes of equal indulgence. More than this, the temple raised to the deified Claudius continually met the view, like the citadel of an eternal tyranny; while the priests, chosen for its service, were bound under the pretext of religion to pour out their fortunes like water. Nor did there seem any great difficulty in the demolition of a colonia unprotected by fortifications – a point too little regarded by our commanders, whose thoughts had run more on the agreeable than on the useful.
Meanwhile, for no apparent reason, the statue of Victory at Camulodunum fell, with its back turned as if in retreat from the enemy. Women, converted into maniacs by excitement, cried that destruction was at hand and that alien cries had been heard in the invaders' senate-house: the theatre had rung with shrieks, and in the estuary of the Thames had been seen a vision of the ruined colonia. Again, that the Ocean had appeared blood-red and that the ebbing tide had left behind it what looked to be human corpses, were indications read by the Britons with hope and by the veterans with corresponding alarm. However, as Suetonius was far away, they applied for help to the procurator Catus Decianus. He sent not more than two hundred men, without their proper weapons: in addition, there was a small body of troops in the town. Relying on the protection of the temple, and hampered also by covert adherents of the rebellion who interfered with their plans, they neither secured their position by fosse or rampart nor took steps, by removing the women and the aged, to leave only able-bodied men in the place. They were as carelessly guarded as if the world was at peace, when they were enveloped by a great barbarian host. All else was pillaged or fired in the first onrush: only the temple, in which the troops had massed themselves, stood a two days' siege, and was then carried by storm. Turning to meet Petilius Cerialis, commander of the Ninth Legion, who was arriving to the rescue, the victorious Britons routed the legion and slaughtered the infantry to a man: Cerialis with the cavalry escaped to the camp, and found shelter behind its fortifications. Unnerved by the disaster and the hatred of the province which his rapacity had goaded into war, the procurator Catus crossed to Gaul.
Suetonius, on the other hand, with remarkable firmness, marched straight through the midst of the enemy upon Londinium [London]; which, though not distinguished by the title of colonia, was none the less a busy centre, chiefly through its crowd of merchants and stores. Once there, he felt some doubt whether to choose it as a base of operations; but, on considering the fewness of his troops and the sufficiently severe lesson which had been read to the rashness of Petilius, he determined to save the country as a whole at the cost of one town. The laments and tears of the inhabitants, as they implored his protection, found him inflexible: he gave the signal for departure, and embodied in the column those capable of accompanying the march: all who had been detained by the disabilities of sex, by the lassitude of age, or by local attachment, fell into the hands of the enemy. A similar catastrophe was reserved for the municipium of Verulamium [St.Albans, Hertfordshire]; as the natives, with their delight in plunder and their distaste for exertion, left the forts and garrison-posts on one side, and made for the point which offered the richest material for the pillager and was unsafe for a defending force. It is established that close upon seventy thousand Roman citizens and allies fell in the places mentioned. For the enemy neither took captive nor sold into captivity; there was none of the other commerce of war; he was hasty with slaughter and the gibbet, with arson and the cross, as though his day of reckoning must come, but only after he had snatched his revenge in the interval.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 31–33
“Those who were taken captive by the Britons were subjected to every known form of outrage. The worst and most bestial atrocity committed by their captors was the following. They hung up naked the noblest and most distinguished women and then cut off their breasts and sewed them to their mouths, in order to make the victims appear to be eating them; afterwards they impaled the women on sharp skewers run lengthwise through the entire body. All this they did to the accompaniment of sacrifices, banquets, and wanton behaviour, not only in all their other sacred places, but particularly in the grove of Andate. This was their name for Victory, and they regarded her with most exceptional reverence.
... [Paullinus] was not willing to risk a conflict with the barbarians immediately, as he feared their numbers and their desperation, but was inclined to postpone battle to a more convenient season. But as he grew short of food and the barbarians pressed relentlessly upon him, he was compelled, contrary to his judgment, to engage them.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapters 7–8
“Suetonius had already the Fourteenth Legion, with a detachment of the Twentieth and auxiliaries from the nearest stations, altogether some ten thousand armed men, when he prepared to abandon delay and contest a pitched battle. He chose a position approached by a narrow defile and secured in the rear by a wood, first satisfying himself that there was no trace of an enemy except in his front, and that the plain there was devoid of cover and allowed no suspicion of an ambuscade. The legionaries were posted in serried ranks, the light-armed troops on either side, and the cavalry massed on the extreme wings. The British forces, on the other hand, disposed in bands of foot and horse were moving jubilantly in every direction. They were in unprecedented numbers, and confidence ran so high that they brought even their wives to witness the victory and installed them in waggons, which they had stationed just over the extreme fringe of the plain.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapter 34
“Boudouica, at the head of an army of about 230,000 men, rode in a chariot herself and assigned the others to their several stations. Paulinus could not extend his line the whole length of hers, for, even if the men had been drawn up only one deep, they would not have reached far enough, so inferior were they in numbers; nor, on the other hand, did he dare join battle in a single compact force, for fear of being surrounded and cut to pieces. He therefore separated his army into three divisions, in order to fight at several points at one and the same time, and he made each of the divisions so strong that it could not easily be broken through.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 8
“Boudicca, mounted in a chariot with her daughters before her, rode up to clan after clan and delivered her protest:– “It was customary, she knew, with Britons to fight under female captaincy; but now she was avenging, not, as a queen of glorious ancestry, her ravished realm and power, but, as a woman of the people, her liberty lost, her body tortured by the lash, the tarnished honour of her daughters. Roman cupidity had progressed so far that not their very persons, not age itself, nor maidenhood, were left unpolluted. Yet Heaven was on the side of their just revenge: one legion, which ventured battle, had perished; the rest were skulking in their camps, or looking around them for a way of escape. They would never face even the din and roar of those many thousands, far less their onslaught and their swords! – If they considered in their own hearts the forces under arms and the motives of the war, on that field they must conquer or fall. Such was the settled purpose of a woman – the men might live and be slaves!”
Even Suetonius, in this critical moment, broke silence. In spite of his reliance on the courage of the men, he still blended exhortations and entreaty:– “They must treat with contempt the noise and empty menaces of the barbarians: in the ranks opposite, more women than soldiers meet the eye. Unwarlike and unarmed, they would break immediately, when, taught by so many defeats, they recognized once more the steel and the valour of their conquerors. Even in a number of legions, it was but a few men who decided the fate of battles; and it would be an additional glory that they, a handful of troops, were gathering the laurels of an entire army. Only, keeping their order close, and, when their javelins were discharged, employing shield-boss and sword, let them steadily pile up the dead and forget the thought of plunder: once the victory was gained, all would be their own.” Such was the ardour following the general's words – with such alacrity had his seasoned troops, with the long experience of battle, prepared themselves in a moment to hurl the pilum [javelin] – that Suetonius, without a doubt of the issue, gave the signal to engage.
At first, the legionaries stood motionless, keeping to the defile as a natural protection: then, when the closer advance of the enemy had enabled them to exhaust their missiles with certitude of aim, they dashed forward in a wedge-like formation. The auxiliaries charged in the same style; and the cavalry, with lances extended, broke a way through any parties of resolute men whom they encountered.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 35-37
“... the armies approached each other, the barbarians with much shouting mingled with menacing battle-songs, but the Romans silently and in order until they came within a javelin's throw of the enemy. Then, while their foes were still advancing against them at a walk, the Romans rushed forward at a signal and charged them at full speed, and when the clash came, easily broke through the opposing ranks; but, as they were surrounded by the great numbers of the enemy, they had to be fighting everywhere at once. Their struggle took many forms. Light-armed troops exchanged missiles with light-armed, heavy-armed were opposed to heavy-armed, cavalry clashed with cavalry, and against the chariots of the barbarians the Roman archers contended. The barbarians would assail the Romans with a rush of their chariots, knocking them helter-skelter, but, since they fought without breastplates, would themselves be repulsed by the arrows. Horseman would overthrow foot-soldier and foot-soldier strike down horseman; a group of Romans, forming in close order, would advance to meet the chariots, and others would be scattered by them; a band of Britons would come to close quarters with the archers and rout them, while others were content to dodge their shafts at a distance; and all this was going on not at one spot only, but in all three divisions at once. They contended for a long time, both parties being animated by the same zeal and daring. But finally, late in the day, the Romans prevailed ...”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 12
“The remainder [of the Britons] took to flight, although escape was difficult, as the cordon of waggons had blocked the outlets. The troops gave no quarter even to the women: the baggage animals themselves had been speared and added to the pile of bodies. The glory won in the course of the day was remarkable, and equal to that of our older victories: for, by some accounts, little less than eighty thousand Britons fell, at a cost of some four hundred Romans killed and a not much greater number of wounded. Boudicca ended her days by poison; while Poenius Postumus, camp-prefect of the Second Legion, informed of the exploits of the men of the Fourteenth and Twentieth, and conscious that he had cheated his own corps of a share in the honours and had violated the rules of the service by ignoring the orders of his commander, ran his sword through his body.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapter 37
“Nevertheless, not a few [Britons] made their escape and were preparing to fight again. In the meantime, however, Boudouica fell sick and died. The Britons mourned her deeply and gave her a costly burial; but, feeling that now at last they were really defeated, they scattered to their homes. So much for affairs in Britain.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 12
“Had not Paulinus on hearing of the outbreak in the province rendered prompt succour, Britain would have been lost. By one successful engagement, he brought it back to its former obedience, though many, troubled by the conscious guilt of rebellion and by particular dread of the legate, still clung to their arms.”
Tacitus ‘Agricola’ Chapter 16
“The whole army was now concentrated and kept under canvas, with a view to finishing what was left of the campaign. Its strength was increased by Caesar [i.e. Emperor Nero], who sent over from Germany two thousand legionaries, eight cohorts of auxiliaries, and a thousand cavalry. Their advent allowed the gaps in the Ninth Legion to be filled with regular troops; the allied foot and horse were stationed in new winter quarters; and the tribes which had shown themselves dubious or disaffected were harried with fire and sword. Nothing, however, pressed so hard as famine on an enemy who, careless about the sowing of his crops, had diverted all ages of the population to military purposes, while marking out our supplies for his own property. In addition, the fierce-tempered clans inclined the more slowly to peace because Julius Classicianus, who had been sent in succession to Catus and was not on good terms with Suetonius, was hampering the public welfare by his private animosities, and had circulated a report that it would be well to wait for a new legate [i.e. governor]; who, lacking the bitterness of an enemy and the arrogance of a conqueror, would show consideration to those who surrendered. At the same time, he reported to Rome that no cessation of fighting need be expected until the supersession of Suetonius, the failures of whom he referred to his own perversity, his successes to the kindness of fortune.
Accordingly Polyclitus, one of the [imperial] freedmen, was sent to inspect the state of Britain, Nero cherishing high hopes that, through his influence, not only might a reconciliation be effected between the legate and the procurator, but the rebellious temper of the natives be brought to acquiesce in peace. Polyclitus, in fact, whose immense train had been an incubus to Italy and Gaul, did not fail, when once he had crossed the seas, to render his march a terror even to Roman soldiers. To the enemy, on the other hand, he was a subject of derision: with them, the fire of freedom was not yet quenched; they had still to make acquaintance with the power of freedmen; and they wondered that a general and an army who had accounted for such a war should obey a troop of slaves. None the less, everything was reported to the emperor in a more favourable light. Suetonius was retained at the head of affairs; but, when later on he lost a few ships on the beach, and the crews with them, he was ordered, under pretence that the war was still in being, to transfer his army to Petronius Turpilianus, who by now had laid down his consulate. The new-comer abstained from provoking the enemy, was not challenged himself, and conferred on this spiritless inaction the honourable name of peace.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 38–39
![THE ICENI of BRITAIN
When Claudius invaded Britain, in 43, the Iceni offered no opposition, and voluntarily accepted Roman domination. Presumably as a reward, they were granted the status of a ‘client kingdom’. Though subject to Rome, the government of a client kingdom was handed to a, pro-Roman, native ruler. The Romans avoided the expense of garrisoning the territory; the ‘client king’ (or, indeed, queen) kept the peace, and was assured wealth and Roman backing against rivals. The contract was between Rome and the individual, so when the king died, the agreement died with him. The names of three British client rulers are known (there may well have been others), these are: Queen Cartimandua, of the Brigantes, ruling most of (what is now) northern England; King Togidubnus, south of the middle Thames; and King Prasutagus, of the Iceni, in East Anglia. Prasutagus' wife was called Boudica.
In the year 60, Prasutagus died. Governor Gaius Suetonius Paullinus was campaigning in, a stronghold of British resistance to Rome, the island of Mona (Anglesey). Tacitus:
“While he was thus occupied, the sudden revolt of the province was announced to Suetonius.
The Icenian king Prasutagus, celebrated for his long prosperity, had named the emperor his heir, together with his two daughters; an act of deference which he thought would place his kingdom and household beyond the risk of injury. The result was contrary – so much so that his kingdom was pillaged by centurions, his household by slaves; as though they had been prizes of war. As a beginning, his wife Boudicca was subjected to the lash and his daughters violated: all the chief men of the Icenians were stripped of their family estates, and the relatives of the king were treated as slaves. Impelled by this outrage and the dread of worse to come – for they had now been reduced to the status of a province – they flew to arms, and incited to rebellion the Trinovantes and others, who, not yet broken by servitude, had entered into a secret and treasonable compact to resume their independence.”
‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 30–31
Dio Cassius:
“An excuse for the war was found in the confiscation of the sums of money that Claudius had given to the foremost Britons; for these sums, as Decianus Catus, the procurator [finance official] of the island, maintained, were to be paid back. This was one reason for the uprising; another was found in the fact that Seneca, in the hope of receiving a good rate of interest, had lent to the islanders 40,000,000 sesterces that they did not want, and had afterwards called in this loan all at once and had resorted to severe measures in exacting it. But the person who was chiefly instrumental in rousing the natives and persuading them to fight the Romans, the person who was thought worthy to be their leader and who directed the conduct of the entire war, was Boudouica, a Briton woman of the royal family and possessed of greater intelligence than often belongs to women. This woman assembled her army, to the number of some 120,000, and then ascended a tribunal which had been constructed of earth in the Roman fashion. In stature she was very tall, in appearance most terrifying, in the glance of her eye most fierce, and her voice was harsh; a great mass of the tawniest hair fell to her hips; around her neck was a large golden necklace; and she wore a tunic of divers colours over which a thick mantle was fastened with a brooch. This was her invariable attire.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 2
At this point in his narrative, Dio puts a lengthy rallying speech into Boudica's mouth.
“Having finished an appeal to her people of this general tenor, Boudouica led her army against the Romans; for these chanced to be without a leader, inasmuch as Paulinus, their commander, had gone on an expedition to Mona, an island near Britain.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 7
The first target of Boudica's army was the ‘colonia’ – colony of legionary veterans (established, probably in 49, by, the then governor, Publius Ostorius Scapula) – at Camulodunum (Colchester, Essex). Tacitus:
“The bitterest animosity was felt against the veterans; who, fresh from their settlement in the colonia of Camulodunum, were acting as though they had received a free gift of the entire country, driving the natives from their homes, ejecting them from their lands – they styled them “captives” and “slaves” – and abetted in their fury by the troops, with their similar mode of life and their hopes of equal indulgence. More than this, the temple raised to the deified Claudius continually met the view, like the citadel of an eternal tyranny; while the priests, chosen for its service, were bound under the pretext of religion to pour out their fortunes like water. Nor did there seem any great difficulty in the demolition of a colonia unprotected by fortifications – a point too little regarded by our commanders, whose thoughts had run more on the agreeable than on the useful.
Meanwhile, for no apparent reason, the statue of Victory at Camulodunum fell, with its back turned as if in retreat from the enemy. Women, converted into maniacs by excitement, cried that destruction was at hand and that alien cries had been heard in the invaders' senate-house: the theatre had rung with shrieks, and in the estuary of the Thames had been seen a vision of the ruined colonia. Again, that the Ocean had appeared blood-red and that the ebbing tide had left behind it what looked to be human corpses, were indications read by the Britons with hope and by the veterans with corresponding alarm. However, as Suetonius was far away, they applied for help to the procurator Catus Decianus. He sent not more than two hundred men, without their proper weapons: in addition, there was a small body of troops in the town. Relying on the protection of the temple, and hampered also by covert adherents of the rebellion who interfered with their plans, they neither secured their position by fosse or rampart nor took steps, by removing the women and the aged, to leave only able-bodied men in the place. They were as carelessly guarded as if the world was at peace, when they were enveloped by a great barbarian host. All else was pillaged or fired in the first onrush: only the temple, in which the troops had massed themselves, stood a two days' siege, and was then carried by storm. Turning to meet Petilius Cerialis, commander of the Ninth Legion, who was arriving to the rescue, the victorious Britons routed the legion and slaughtered the infantry to a man: Cerialis with the cavalry escaped to the camp, and found shelter behind its fortifications. Unnerved by the disaster and the hatred of the province which his rapacity had goaded into war, the procurator Catus crossed to Gaul.
Suetonius, on the other hand, with remarkable firmness, marched straight through the midst of the enemy upon Londinium [London]; which, though not distinguished by the title of colonia, was none the less a busy centre, chiefly through its crowd of merchants and stores. Once there, he felt some doubt whether to choose it as a base of operations; but, on considering the fewness of his troops and the sufficiently severe lesson which had been read to the rashness of Petilius, he determined to save the country as a whole at the cost of one town. The laments and tears of the inhabitants, as they implored his protection, found him inflexible: he gave the signal for departure, and embodied in the column those capable of accompanying the march: all who had been detained by the disabilities of sex, by the lassitude of age, or by local attachment, fell into the hands of the enemy. A similar catastrophe was reserved for the municipium of Verulamium [St.Albans, Hertfordshire]; as the natives, with their delight in plunder and their distaste for exertion, left the forts and garrison-posts on one side, and made for the point which offered the richest material for the pillager and was unsafe for a defending force. It is established that close upon seventy thousand Roman citizens and allies fell in the places mentioned. For the enemy neither took captive nor sold into captivity; there was none of the other commerce of war; he was hasty with slaughter and the gibbet, with arson and the cross, as though his day of reckoning must come, but only after he had snatched his revenge in the interval.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 31–33
“Those who were taken captive by the Britons were subjected to every known form of outrage. The worst and most bestial atrocity committed by their captors was the following. They hung up naked the noblest and most distinguished women and then cut off their breasts and sewed them to their mouths, in order to make the victims appear to be eating them; afterwards they impaled the women on sharp skewers run lengthwise through the entire body. All this they did to the accompaniment of sacrifices, banquets, and wanton behaviour, not only in all their other sacred places, but particularly in the grove of Andate. This was their name for Victory, and they regarded her with most exceptional reverence.
... [Paullinus] was not willing to risk a conflict with the barbarians immediately, as he feared their numbers and their desperation, but was inclined to postpone battle to a more convenient season. But as he grew short of food and the barbarians pressed relentlessly upon him, he was compelled, contrary to his judgment, to engage them.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapters 7–8
“Suetonius had already the Fourteenth Legion, with a detachment of the Twentieth and auxiliaries from the nearest stations, altogether some ten thousand armed men, when he prepared to abandon delay and contest a pitched battle. He chose a position approached by a narrow defile and secured in the rear by a wood, first satisfying himself that there was no trace of an enemy except in his front, and that the plain there was devoid of cover and allowed no suspicion of an ambuscade. The legionaries were posted in serried ranks, the light-armed troops on either side, and the cavalry massed on the extreme wings. The British forces, on the other hand, disposed in bands of foot and horse were moving jubilantly in every direction. They were in unprecedented numbers, and confidence ran so high that they brought even their wives to witness the victory and installed them in waggons, which they had stationed just over the extreme fringe of the plain.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapter 34
“Boudouica, at the head of an army of about 230,000 men, rode in a chariot herself and assigned the others to their several stations. Paulinus could not extend his line the whole length of hers, for, even if the men had been drawn up only one deep, they would not have reached far enough, so inferior were they in numbers; nor, on the other hand, did he dare join battle in a single compact force, for fear of being surrounded and cut to pieces. He therefore separated his army into three divisions, in order to fight at several points at one and the same time, and he made each of the divisions so strong that it could not easily be broken through.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 8
“Boudicca, mounted in a chariot with her daughters before her, rode up to clan after clan and delivered her protest:– “It was customary, she knew, with Britons to fight under female captaincy; but now she was avenging, not, as a queen of glorious ancestry, her ravished realm and power, but, as a woman of the people, her liberty lost, her body tortured by the lash, the tarnished honour of her daughters. Roman cupidity had progressed so far that not their very persons, not age itself, nor maidenhood, were left unpolluted. Yet Heaven was on the side of their just revenge: one legion, which ventured battle, had perished; the rest were skulking in their camps, or looking around them for a way of escape. They would never face even the din and roar of those many thousands, far less their onslaught and their swords! – If they considered in their own hearts the forces under arms and the motives of the war, on that field they must conquer or fall. Such was the settled purpose of a woman – the men might live and be slaves!”
Even Suetonius, in this critical moment, broke silence. In spite of his reliance on the courage of the men, he still blended exhortations and entreaty:– “They must treat with contempt the noise and empty menaces of the barbarians: in the ranks opposite, more women than soldiers meet the eye. Unwarlike and unarmed, they would break immediately, when, taught by so many defeats, they recognized once more the steel and the valour of their conquerors. Even in a number of legions, it was but a few men who decided the fate of battles; and it would be an additional glory that they, a handful of troops, were gathering the laurels of an entire army. Only, keeping their order close, and, when their javelins were discharged, employing shield-boss and sword, let them steadily pile up the dead and forget the thought of plunder: once the victory was gained, all would be their own.” Such was the ardour following the general's words – with such alacrity had his seasoned troops, with the long experience of battle, prepared themselves in a moment to hurl the pilum [javelin] – that Suetonius, without a doubt of the issue, gave the signal to engage.
At first, the legionaries stood motionless, keeping to the defile as a natural protection: then, when the closer advance of the enemy had enabled them to exhaust their missiles with certitude of aim, they dashed forward in a wedge-like formation. The auxiliaries charged in the same style; and the cavalry, with lances extended, broke a way through any parties of resolute men whom they encountered.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 35-37
“... the armies approached each other, the barbarians with much shouting mingled with menacing battle-songs, but the Romans silently and in order until they came within a javelin's throw of the enemy. Then, while their foes were still advancing against them at a walk, the Romans rushed forward at a signal and charged them at full speed, and when the clash came, easily broke through the opposing ranks; but, as they were surrounded by the great numbers of the enemy, they had to be fighting everywhere at once. Their struggle took many forms. Light-armed troops exchanged missiles with light-armed, heavy-armed were opposed to heavy-armed, cavalry clashed with cavalry, and against the chariots of the barbarians the Roman archers contended. The barbarians would assail the Romans with a rush of their chariots, knocking them helter-skelter, but, since they fought without breastplates, would themselves be repulsed by the arrows. Horseman would overthrow foot-soldier and foot-soldier strike down horseman; a group of Romans, forming in close order, would advance to meet the chariots, and others would be scattered by them; a band of Britons would come to close quarters with the archers and rout them, while others were content to dodge their shafts at a distance; and all this was going on not at one spot only, but in all three divisions at once. They contended for a long time, both parties being animated by the same zeal and daring. But finally, late in the day, the Romans prevailed ...”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 12
“The remainder [of the Britons] took to flight, although escape was difficult, as the cordon of waggons had blocked the outlets. The troops gave no quarter even to the women: the baggage animals themselves had been speared and added to the pile of bodies. The glory won in the course of the day was remarkable, and equal to that of our older victories: for, by some accounts, little less than eighty thousand Britons fell, at a cost of some four hundred Romans killed and a not much greater number of wounded. Boudicca ended her days by poison; while Poenius Postumus, camp-prefect of the Second Legion, informed of the exploits of the men of the Fourteenth and Twentieth, and conscious that he had cheated his own corps of a share in the honours and had violated the rules of the service by ignoring the orders of his commander, ran his sword through his body.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapter 37
“Nevertheless, not a few [Britons] made their escape and were preparing to fight again. In the meantime, however, Boudouica fell sick and died. The Britons mourned her deeply and gave her a costly burial; but, feeling that now at last they were really defeated, they scattered to their homes. So much for affairs in Britain.”
Dio Cassius (Xiphilinus) ‘Romaika’ Epitome of Book LXII Chapter 12
“Had not Paulinus on hearing of the outbreak in the province rendered prompt succour, Britain would have been lost. By one successful engagement, he brought it back to its former obedience, though many, troubled by the conscious guilt of rebellion and by particular dread of the legate, still clung to their arms.”
Tacitus ‘Agricola’ Chapter 16
“The whole army was now concentrated and kept under canvas, with a view to finishing what was left of the campaign. Its strength was increased by Caesar [i.e. Emperor Nero], who sent over from Germany two thousand legionaries, eight cohorts of auxiliaries, and a thousand cavalry. Their advent allowed the gaps in the Ninth Legion to be filled with regular troops; the allied foot and horse were stationed in new winter quarters; and the tribes which had shown themselves dubious or disaffected were harried with fire and sword. Nothing, however, pressed so hard as famine on an enemy who, careless about the sowing of his crops, had diverted all ages of the population to military purposes, while marking out our supplies for his own property. In addition, the fierce-tempered clans inclined the more slowly to peace because Julius Classicianus, who had been sent in succession to Catus and was not on good terms with Suetonius, was hampering the public welfare by his private animosities, and had circulated a report that it would be well to wait for a new legate [i.e. governor]; who, lacking the bitterness of an enemy and the arrogance of a conqueror, would show consideration to those who surrendered. At the same time, he reported to Rome that no cessation of fighting need be expected until the supersession of Suetonius, the failures of whom he referred to his own perversity, his successes to the kindness of fortune.
Accordingly Polyclitus, one of the [imperial] freedmen, was sent to inspect the state of Britain, Nero cherishing high hopes that, through his influence, not only might a reconciliation be effected between the legate and the procurator, but the rebellious temper of the natives be brought to acquiesce in peace. Polyclitus, in fact, whose immense train had been an incubus to Italy and Gaul, did not fail, when once he had crossed the seas, to render his march a terror even to Roman soldiers. To the enemy, on the other hand, he was a subject of derision: with them, the fire of freedom was not yet quenched; they had still to make acquaintance with the power of freedmen; and they wondered that a general and an army who had accounted for such a war should obey a troop of slaves. None the less, everything was reported to the emperor in a more favourable light. Suetonius was retained at the head of affairs; but, when later on he lost a few ships on the beach, and the crews with them, he was ordered, under pretence that the war was still in being, to transfer his army to Petronius Turpilianus, who by now had laid down his consulate. The new-comer abstained from provoking the enemy, was not challenged himself, and conferred on this spiritless inaction the honourable name of peace.”
Tacitus ‘Annals’ Book XIV Chapters 38–39](https://lh3.googleusercontent.com/blogger_img_proxy/AEn0k_ud5uascKooS1xQQja5bk0ZXiYOSwut0iuK768pMWgxf4xRJfgYiHpo9ixAe7klNe4NFgwzICFpJUDnwGQ43u-XuHO9DtQyPECVLg--bvHl2cYJegDD8odMm5y8u92IBD_9zkSMtPOiinq9vgOMhpDy6FsfSDxurKtHd11xiOMdzds98A=s0-d)
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